Abstract
Thirty years into democracy and the science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields remain dominated by white men in South African universities. The government and higher education institutions (HEIs) are dedicated to transforming these fields to be representative of the African majority, yet they remain politicised, racialised, and gendered to systematically oppress African people, especially African women. African women in STEM are extremely underrepresented because academic structures do not facilitate successful outcomes for them, and this study highlighted their lived experiences as postdoctoral and early career academics in these disciplines in selected South African universities. Their experiences are important in order to understand the plight of African students’ recruitment, access, retention and attrition in these fields especially in postgraduate studies. This study involved interviewing 14 African women postdoctoral fellows and early career academics in five selected South African universities, within a qualitative methodology and a critically interpretivist paradigm, using the theory of intersectionality.
Contribution: The findings expose the violence of inclusion experienced by these African women in their STEM disciplines and how this violence manifests in various ways and that the exodus of African women in STEM contravenes the transformation efforts of South African universities. These women are significant because they have the potential to transform STEM disciplines in South African universities. Their experiences, strategies and recommendations are thus critical to universities in addressing the recruitment, retention, and success of African female academics in STEM.
Keywords: STEM; higher education; transformation; African women; postdoctoral; early career.
Introduction
African1 women continue to be underrepresented in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), and this is because historically, African people were violently excluded socially, culturally, economically and intellectually in all spheres of South African society. This violent segregation began during colonisation, was legalised during apartheid and is being clandestinely continued with neoliberal policies especially in higher education. Democracy granted African people access to higher education, but this access does not transmute to sincere inclusion; instead, what is occurring is an insidious, covert violence of inclusion especially in the elite fields of STEM.
In South Africa, Africans remain grossly underrepresented in STEM disciplines and statistics reveal that in the year 2022, all South African universities combined had 12 284 students enrolled in doctoral degrees in STEM. Out of the 12 284 doctoral students only 6466, which is 52.6% in that group, were women, and only 4157, which is 33.8% out of the 6466 group, were African students; however, there was no demarcation of the gender component, and the 33.8% number reflects combined men and women (Centre for Research on Evaluation in Science and Technology [CREST] 2023). While these statistics do not differentiate between gender and nationality (i.e. local and international students), indigenous South African students are severely underrepresented in STEM doctoral degrees (CREST 2023). Recruitment, retention and successful completion of STEM degrees continue to be a struggle for these students. Statistics show that while several African students pursue doctoral degrees in STEM, the majority are men, most of whom are non-indigenous Africans, with only a small proportion being indigenous South Africans. For example, in STEM discipline, 80 students would begin their honours degree, 17 students would continue to master’s level, and 5 would continue to their doctorate degree. Of those five students, three will be non-indigenous African students, one will be a white South African, and one will be an indigenous South African student. The addition of foreign nationals theoretically is adequate; however, as a nation we need to be educating and promoting our own indigenous students to pursue these STEM degrees. African students need to be able to see themselves reflected in their lecturers and professors to be inspired and motivated to continue to postgraduate degrees especially in STEM. We need to transform STEM disciplines by ensuring a majority of indigenous African students if the transformation agenda is to be fully realised. This study exposes the ‘violence of inclusion’ these African women academics in STEM experience and how that violence results in many African students not pursuing STEM to doctorate degrees and not becoming academics in STEM and opting to go into industries instead.
South Africa has a long history of violence from colonialism to apartheid to neoliberal policies. Democracy ushered in an era where everyone now has access to higher education and can no longer be denied based on their race, gender or ethnicity. However, democracy can neither police inclusion nor can it force ‘still-disadvantaged’ people to be sincerely included socially, culturally and environmentally in these disciplines, which are spaces still dominated by white elites, such as the STEM disciplines. Africans pursue STEM disciplines, attain doctoral degrees, and some become academics, yet they still face violent exclusion through the hostility prevalent in STEM environments (Idahosa & Mkhize 2021; Mkhize 2022a, 2022b, 2024) by being undermined and disrespected by fellow faculty staff members and students from all races and genders, as well as being viewed as intellectually inferior and only present in these spaces because of affirmative action (Mkhize 2022a).
Newman et al. (2011) define workplace violence broadly by including physical assault, verbal abuse, sexual or racial harassment, bullying or mobbing, which has an effect on occupational health worldwide. Alam and Sanchez Tapia (2020), UNICEF study stated the continual discrimination, harassment and bias women endure at work discourage women from entering or remaining in STEM fields. South Africa has the Employment Equity Act, which was designed as a proactive and preventable tool to eradicate, prevent and manage violence and harassment, including gender-based violence and sexual harassment, in the workplace to establish safe working environments that are free from such negative incidents (Department of Labour 2020). The International Labour Organization (ILO) adopted the Convention on Combating Violence and Harassment at Work in 2019, which demanded its members to be proactive in combating violence in the workplace and to ensure women are free from violence and harassment. These laws and policies apply to women who are already employees; however, what about women and girls who are students and aspire to become employees one day? The university does not adequately protect them, and in most instances, universities are reactive, instead of proactive in combating racialised-gendered violence towards African women in STEM disciplines.
Research has been carried out on African women in STEM (Idahosa & Mkhize 2021; Liccardo 2020; Liccardo & Bradbury 2017; Mkhize 2022a, 2022b) in South African universities, no research has been conducted on the early career experiences of African women, both indigenous and non-indigenous to South Africa, who are postdoctoral fellows and academics in South African universities. This article begins by foregrounding the literature and theoretical framing of this study, followed by the research methods and methodology, and concludes with the findings and discussion.
Review of literature and intersectionality
Under this section the literature will be reviewed as well as the theoretical framework.
African women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics
South Africa has an atrocious past of racial discrimination, which began during colonialism, followed by apartheid and now has been covertly disguised as neoliberalism and meritocracy in higher education institutions (HEIs). The African majority were given poor secondary education and prevented from obtaining university qualifications, so they could not obtain upward social mobility and compete with the white minority in South Africa. Democracy ushered in a new era that promised equality and transformation in all sectors of South Africa. However, what is lacking is equity and genuine transformation, not reform, which has been disguised as transformation (Mkhize 2022b). Although democracy pledged equality among the races and genders, African women remain the most oppressed group because of their racial and gendered identities. African and white women continue to be marginalised because of their gender. Historically, white women have also had racial privilege, which meant they could enrol in universities; but they had limited choices based on their gender because of their traditional gendered roles of home-carer role that limited their freedom of choice in studies at universities. Conversely, Ramohai (2019) argued African women had to fight against a system that not only limited their freedom of choice but their humanity as well (Ramohai 2019:2). African women face structural obstacles and systemic cultural biases against them based on a history of patriarchal family systems (Mugambwa, Mwebaza & Namubiru 2017:97). As the #ShutDownSTEM international protests of 2020 illustrated, these oppressions persist today in the STEM disciplines because these disciplines were predicated on proving the racial, gendered, social, cultural and intellectual inferiority of Africans to white people.
Scholars (Borum & Walker 2011, 2012; Flores, Bañuelos & Harris 2024; Gray-Nicolas & Miles 2024; McGee 2021; McGee et al. 2022; Mkhize 2022a, 2022b, 2024; Mlambo 2021) who have researched the underrepresentation of black people and women in STEM fields have reported that a single black PhD educator from any of the STEM disciplines may teach hundreds of students for a third of a century or more. Consequently, these individuals are disseminating information that shapes the understanding of future STEM experts. Professionals argue that the creation of a small group of successful black STEM faculty, who form a network and have tenure at key institutions, would create an intellectual and technological movement with broad and sustainable influence (Baker, Dunnavant & McNair 2015). The presence or absence of black STEM professionals or faculty does affect recruitment, training and success of black students for generations (McGee 2021; McGee et al. 2022; Mkhize 2022a; Mlambo 2021; Robinson et al. 2015). African women encounter many obstacles while pursuing their doctorates in STEM disciplines due to their intersectional identities as African and female, compounded by the fact that most come from poorer socio-economic backgrounds. As this research will show, African women not indigenous to South Africa face additional obstacles of xenophobia from indigenous South Africans and all other races in South Africa. Some students who manage to conquer obstacles such as race, gender and class do become academics only to face new unique burdens as faculty in STEM disciplines (Mkhize 2022a). This study focuses on postdoctoral fellows and early career African women and their lived experiences in STEM disciplines in South African universities. Statistics have shown that indigenous African women, for a myriad of reasons, do not pursue postdoctoral degrees in STEM disciplines. These reasons are family pressure (black tax), a lack of funding, hostile STEM environment, and certain cultural expectations (Mkhize 2024; Mkhize & Idahosa 2025). However, non-indigenous African women do pursue postgraduate studies and do become academics in South African institutions. The African women in this study are from South Africa, Nigeria, Benin, Lesotho, Swaziland, Zimbabwe and Zambia. It is important to note that, while South African higher education aligns with continental trends, it operates within a neoliberal ideological framework. While gender is the focus in other African countries, race is the focus in South Africa. Affirmative action policies have been implemented in other African countries to increase the number of women in universities. In South Africa, parallel policies have a more transformational drive and discourses that are more interested in the intersectional contexts of identity. That is why non-indigenous African women in this study reported their confusion when experiencing xenophobic treatment from other indigenous African women, because in their countries, race or ethnicity is not an issue, but class is.
Across African countries, STEM fields suffer from underrepresentation due to the entrenched belief that these disciplines are innately suited only for men. Although many African countries are actively trying to transform these STEM fields, they are still plagued by the patriarchal and sexist ideologies, which make them extremely challenging for African women to access these fields and remain within them, hence many immigrate to other countries such as South Africa to pursue STEM disciplines (Otu 2009; Ozoude 2020). Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics fields remain deeply entrenched with the ideology and belief that women are unsuitable for these fields. STEM fields were historically structured to serve white, heterosexual, Christian, middle-to-upper-class, able-bodied men, and individuals outside these identities often encounter significant challenges within STEM (Mkhize 2022a). The student protests #FeesMustFall of 2015–2016 and the international #ShutDownSTEM of 2020 highlighted how higher education is still untransformed and that STEM remains an elitist field, which is hostile to African students, especially African women (Mkhize 2022b, 2024).
Higher education in South Africa
African women in high-stakes STEM fields play an important role in STEM leadership, because they contribute to Africa’s development and transformation. However, they remain significantly underrepresented in higher education and STEM (Tiedeu, Oluwafunmilayo & Nyambi 2019). A society’s traditional training ground for its leaders and specialised labour skills is higher education (Khalid & Mujahid-Mukhtar 2002). An investment of a country’s future is in the education of its citizen, especially its higher education graduates in African countries. This investment is returned through the graduates’ contribution to the social, economic and cultural development of the country. However, equality and access do not translate into equity, nor into parity in educational quality, outcomes, and value. Historically, African women have been marginalised culturally, within their families and through traditions of masculinity and femininity (Mans & Lauwrens 2013), and continue to be marginalised by legislative rules (Ramohai 2019). Doctorates in science, engineering and mathematics are difficult and require the strongest motivation, support, and financial resources to accomplish. Women, particularly African women, who aspire to be scientists, engineers and mathematicians face truly monumental challenges (Idahosa & Mkhize 2021; McGee 2021; Mkhize 2022a, 2022b).
Transformation in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics in South African universities
The United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG 4) calls for inclusivity, equitable quality education, and opportunities for all, including within higher education institutions (HEIs). Scholars (Filho, Salvia & Eustachio 2023; Nhamo & Chapungu 2024; United Nations 2015) argue that there are three main groups of stakeholders in academia: academics (staff), non-teaching staff, and the students, which are at the epicentre of the attainment of SDG4 by 2030. The Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) has been adopted by 189 countries, including South Africa. One of the critical areas highlighted for change by BPfA is education for women and girls, specifically their participation in STEM disciplines. The BPfA strategic objectives (B.3, B.4 and B.5) seek to improve access of women and girls in the science and technology fields. The objective is to improve teachers in the STEM fields and improve their opportunities for advancement, funding and decision-making in these STEM fields (UN 1995:50). According to scholars (Idahosa & Mkhize 2021), South Africa has responded to the goals and objectives by several initiatives such as The Employment Equity Act No. 55 of 1998, the National Framework for Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality of 2001, which highlighted the need for equity, equality and gender empowerment (Moletsane & Reddy 2011). The South African Reference Group (SARG), a sub-committee of the National Advisory Council on Innovation (NACI), now known as Science and Technology for Women (SET4W), was formed in 2003 to increase the number of women from previously disadvantaged groups in science fields.
Figure 1 clearly shows that African women are absent from associate professor and professor levels in historically white institutions in South Africa. This figure does not differentiate between indigenous and non-indigenous Africans, but as previously mentioned, it is usually non-indigenous Africans who are in the majority in STEM doctorate programmes as well as academics in these fields. The South African government and HEIs have been actively working to transform STEM fields, which remain dominated by white men. Mkhize (2022a, 2022b, 2024) argues that transformation in South Africa should not be understood as an umbrella term because it is applied differently in different HEIs. Different institutions have unique institutional cultures (which are based on their historical legacies) and face distinctive challenges, which require a contextualised approach to transformation (Ramohai 2019:2). All South African HEIs have very different transformation challenges and needs. Mkhize (2022b) argues that previously, white Afrikaans institutions faced challenges related to racial inequities as opposed to black institutions. In South Africa, all HEIs are subjected to the rules and regulations proposed by the Ministry of Higher Education, and one of the most important transformation primacies is prioritising black women in the transformation initiative (DHET 2016). Gender needs to be prioritised in higher education, but institutions continue to have difficulties implementing that. Badat (2010) in Ramohai (2019) argued the transformation initiative is to redress the past imbalances by contextualising the need and experiences of the marginalised group of African women academics. Ramohai (2019) posits that higher education needs to respond to gender equity matters pertaining to African women academics because they still face numerous challenges pertaining to upward mobility, overcoming gender-based epistemological stereotypes and research success (Ramohai 2019:2). All higher education institutional cultures remain predominantly masculine, and staff are still predominantly white. Transformation in the South African context should be used in ‘undoing’ of the past racial and gendered injustices that the majority African population suffered in terms of access, availability and representation in the higher education sector. Theoretically, redress should include all black people (men too); it is the racial and gender complexities that still make African women a priority in transforming higher education (Ramohai 2019).
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FIGURE 1: Historically white institution’s faculty of science academic positions demographic breakdown (2023). |
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Intersectionality
It is important to understand the experiences of African women, rather than simply categorising them as Black women, because their identities are more complex than those of other women classified as Black in the diaspora. What is needed is an understanding of their experiences in STEM, because they inhabit a world where various intersections of racism, sexism, ethnicities, and xenophobia occur, an area I call intersectional STEM. Intersectionality was coined by Crenshaw (1993) and has its origins in her critique of the American legal system. However, African authors, such as Miriam Tlali were already discussing the double oppression of African women during apartheid South Africa in 1975. Intersectionality is a theoretical tool which posits that in society social inequality does not emerge from one social division, but rather at the intersection of people’s multiple identities, which interact with the systems of oppression. As both Africans and women, their issues often remain unaddressed or subordinated within analyses focused solely on race or gender. Intersectionality examines how power relations are intertwined and mutually constricting (Thomas et al. 2018:2). Intersectionality recognises that latent power relations exist in STEM spaces and therefore African women being perceived as equals and co-creators of knowledge disrupt the inequities. From an intersectionality perspective, African women need self-efficacy in these spaces because their intellect is constantly questioned and their goals for success are not always supported (Thomas et al. 2018:6). Intersectionality has many categories and that is what makes the theory fluid and dynamic. However, nationality and ethnicity have not been extensively theorised within intersectionality studies, and this research seeks to contribute to the discourse on intersectionality, nationality, and STEM.
Research methods and design
This research emerged from a larger study that investigated why African women with doctoral degrees in STEM disciplines at South African universities often do not pursue academic careers. The objective of this study was to explore the unexpected additional data that developed from the study by focusing on postdoctoral and early career African women in STEM. This research was guided by interpretivist and social constructionist perspectives, situated within a critical research paradigm. The social constructionism and interpretivist perspectives argue that individuals make sense of their world subjectively and from their experiences (Creswell 2009). The aim of the critical research paradigm is to identify, contest and resolve power imbalances in society, which contribute to systemic injustices and inequalities (Taylor & Medina 2013:6). This research was qualitative, and semi-structured interviews were conducted on 73 participants in STEM disciplines in 5 South African universities during the years 2019–2021. Of the 73 participants, only 14 were postdoctoral fellows or early career academics; these are the focus of this study. They ranged in age from 31 to 45 years and were drawn from five universities. Semi-structured interviews were effective because they allowed the researcher to ask open-ended questions, enabling participants to share their experiences as African women postdoctoral fellows and early career academics in STEM disciplines (see Table 1). The interviewer asked the participants to narrate their reasons for pursuing postgraduate STEM disciplines in universities, to speak about their lived experiences in the STEM disciplines, their plans after they complete their postdoctoral fellowships in STEM disciplines or their future to remain in academia as early career academics. The participants were encouraged to narrate their stories and what recommendations they could offer in terms of transforming the STEM disciplines to be more inclusive of African women. The universities were selected because they ranked in the top five in South Africa during the year the study commenced. Two of the institutions are historically black universities, and the rest are historically white institutions, with one historically Afrikaner-speaking university. The COVID-19 pandemic began during the early stages of this research, requiring a methodological shift to online data collection. Eleven interviews were conducted online. After participants were fully informed about the study, assured of confidentiality, and had provided written consent, the interviews began with questions about demographic information such as name, age, organisation, and STEM discipline. The following questions asked about their backgrounds such as their place of birth, motivations for acquiring a STEM degree and continuation to doctorate level, as well as their experiences of being an African woman in STEM. The interviews lasted between 40 min and 60 min. The data were then transcribed and analysed using a thematic analysis. The analysis involved identifying patterns and coding them (Saldaña 2009), for example, how participants’ identities intertwined with their experiences of racialised and gendered violence in STEM disciplines. The codes were then translated into themes, which will be discussed in the next section.
| TABLE 1: Characteristics of participants. |
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance for this study was granted by the University of Cape Town Humanities Faculty Ethics in Research Committee (Reference No. HUMREC201906-1).
Results and discussion
In this section, the findings will be presented under certain themes.
The violence of inclusion
‘It was a bit difficult coming to South Africa where there is racism. In my country, there is classism because we are all Africans. South Africa was strange for me because you have different races, and they all seem to harass the Africans here.’ (Nonceba)
Nonceba encapsulates the struggles of indigenous and non-indigenous Africans in the South African context of higher education. She mentions all the obstacles non-indigenous African women face when they come to South Africa to pursue STEM postgraduate degrees and early career academic employment. Several non-indigenous Africans stated that they only “realised they were Black” upon arriving in South Africa. In their home countries, there is discrimination, but it is usually based on ethnicity, class, gender and religion – but not race. This is because South Africa has a history of colonisation and apartheid whose legacies remain prevalent today. This illustrates how intersectionality operates within the oppression matrix. These women are all African and all faced similar discrimination, but because of a group of these women being non-indigenous, they experienced discrimination based on their nationality. This reveals a hierarchy of oppression within an already oppressed group, as demonstrated by the participants. What is salient to recognise is that this is not just xenophobia, it is Afrophobia. Afrophobia is the fear and hate of anything African, and this discrimination can be categorised as Afrophobia, because white foreigners are not targeted or harassed, yet foreigners from African countries are. This illustrates the internalised prejudice and racism perpetuated by Black people against indigenous Africans, and by indigenous Africans against non-indigenous Africans:
‘This environment is really stressful. The Indian women who work here are racists. The doctors and professors fighting amongst each other and the PhD and postdoc students getting caught in the middle. It got so stressful I ended up developing cystic acne … I had to go on medication for it. I was really affected by the start of the medication. It made me so sick … I had to request to work from home … My family was concerned.’ (Philisiwe)
‘The moment you enter the lab, you must prove you are worthy of being there. White students are allowed to learn and make mistakes. Black students – if you make one mistake, it cements that you do not belong there. I get heart palpations going to the lab, it stresses me out. I understand why some Black students opt to leave science and go to law or accounting.’ (Thembani)
Philisiwe describes experiencing racism from Indian women and suggests that sexism may also have played a role, although she does not elaborate. A scholar, Mkhize (2022a; 2022b) has discussed this type of racism perpetuated by people who can ‘opt in or out of blackness’, either to benefit them at certain times such as employment opportunities, or for claims of racism. The sad irony is that Indian women were also historically discriminated against in South Africa in terms of race, and they share gender oppression with African women, and yet they discriminate against them. This illuminates the intersectionality of oppression, in which perpetrators can also be victims simultaneously. This underscores the need for an intersectional approach to transformation, as increasing representation by race alone does not guarantee meaningful change, illustrated here by instances of racism from Indian women toward African women. Transformation should be driven by individual commitment and accountability for fostering inclusive environments, rather than relying solely on racial categorisation. Representation is important and vital; however, the system of redress should move away from identity politics and focus on individuals and hold them accountable for either pushing the transformation agenda forward or not by their actions or inactions or deliberate sabotaging of the agenda.
Professor Zenzile notes that, as a non-indigenous African, she witnessed overt racism by white faculty and students toward African students. She also mentions how they were expected to assist white students in excelling in their science projects, but African students were not given assistance. This shows the intersectional and the historical socio-cultural ideological beliefs intertwining; historically African women have only been expected to be in positions of service and not contribute intellectually. In this scenario, it is the African women assisting the white students (service) but using their intellectual prowess to aid them, but not being viewed as intelligent or competent to be in STEM. When the African students failed, it further perpetuated the myth that African students were intellectually inferior and did not belong in science. Meanwhile, the white students excelled because of the assistance of the African postdoctoral students, towards whom they were racist and xenophobic.
Philisiwe also mentions how the toxic environment of having to face a daily onslaught of racism, sexism, infighting, and a negative atmosphere had such a strong effect on her that she became physically sick. Non-indigenous African women are also subjected to sexism on top of all other oppressions they experience. Liccardo and Bradbury (2017) argued that black women are alienated in university structures. Although the authors focused on black students, they did not focus on non-indigenous African students; this is where this study is unique. Furthermore, it highlights that the alienation and sense of not belonging persist even after these women become academics.
Psychological terrorism
African students often suffer in silence, and when they seek assistance, they are either dismissed, disbelieved, or see no change after reporting discrimination. A participant Nomthandazo and other participants mentioned that they had reported incidents of discrimination they experienced, but nothing was done. Instead, one participant said her supervisor questioned her experience and tried to determine whether what occurred was real or her perception of events and advised her to try ignoring ‘those things’ and just focus on her work. This type of response from white supervisors is common as this scholar (McGee 2021) mentioned. White supervisors neither understand nor have the necessary capacities to adequately advise or deal with black students who report their experiences of discrimination in the labs. This shows that historically white institutions and STEM departments often fail to equip professors with the skills needed to effectively supervise diverse students, especially African and female students. This lack of ‘soft skills’ reflects neoliberal university policies that treat all students the same, often with devastating consequences for African students. Many come from different educational backgrounds and, for most, university is their first prolonged interaction with white people. These African students are also not equipped to handle emotional and psychological trauma, which comes with the experiences of racism and sexism, and their first point of contact is their supervisor. If supervisors dismiss their experiences or deem them to be only a misunderstanding, that has very real mental, emotional and physiological consequences. As another participant shared:
‘I was only aware of racism from the media. I grew up in a rural area and there were only Black people there. I was warned by a guy about going to [historically white] university and that its racist and I must learn to handle myself when there. I was scared going to [historically white] university. The area is not calm, and the Afrikaans language and people were very racist. I had to learn to adapt fast because the environment was very hostile and unwelcoming to me … I faced challenges not because of my academic work but because I experienced racism and sexism from other students. This caused stress which resulted in me becoming sick.’ (Bathobile)
Bathobile suffered a health scare directly caused by the stress she was experiencing on a daily basis at the historically white university. Bathobile spoke about her experiences of being verbally abused, ignored, perceived to be incompetent and being the only student in the doctoral programme because she was an affirmative action candidate. Bathobile received no support for her experiences in the lab, became physically ill, and was hospitalised. Bathobile lost her ability to speak because of her illness, and one could argue this was a direct result of her being constantly silenced and told to just focus on her work. As a result, her body converted her emotional turmoil into a physiological reaction, which had life-threatening consequences. An aspect of African women’s experiences in STEM that is not heavily researched is their emotional and mental health well-being in these hostile environments. Some authors (Battey & Leyva 2016; McGee 2021; Mkhize 2022a) have mentioned this in their research, but more focus should be put on it because as in Bathobile’s case, stress, emotional turmoil and a constant barrage of racism and sexism do have very real consequences, which can lead to life-threatening illnesses.
Research has been conducted internationally about the detrimental effects of oppression, discrimination and exclusion based on race, gender, class and ethnicity on black students in higher education. Scholars (Cox, Dorley & Wodaje 2018; McClain et al. 2016; McGee 2013a, 2013b, 2021; McGee & Bentley 2017; McGee & Martin 2011; McGee et al. 2022; Pieterse et al. 2010) reported that these race and gender-related stressors do have psychological effects on black students. Black students attending white institutions are more prone to racial stress compared to students attending historically black institutions. Williams, George-Jones and Hebl (2019) argued that black students attending previously white institutions face even tougher challenges because the environment can be deleterious to their optimal functioning, and a strong ethnic identity can be a source of resilience in coping with the psychological impact. Jack and Ali (2010) state that incessant attempts to stifle the self-expression of black women can be challenging, because self-silencing can have serious mental and physical health consequences when exercised over a long period of time, which can lead to an internal homeostatic imbalance that promotes dysfunction of neurobiological systems and subsequent depression (Jack 2011). According to the theory of silencing the self, silencing behaviours involve inhibiting self-expression to maintain relationships and circumvent retaliation, possible loss, and conflict (Jack & Dill 1992). Some authors (Abrams, Hill & Maxwell 2019; Beauboeuf-Lafontant 2009; Bem 1981) argue that some black women may engage in self-silencing because of internalised fears, and others may utilise self-silencing to fulfil the cultural (externalised) obligation to display strength as black women. When society’s standards of black women being silent and voiceless conflict with personal standards, black women may self-silence by muting internal standards and by adhering to externalised self-perceptions, which may render them susceptible to psychological and mental harm (Abrams et al. 2014, 2019; Bem 1981). Therefore, the incessant need for black women to showcase strength can be psychologically taxing, and self-silencing can be detrimental as it was in Bathobile’s case.
Literature has reiterated how bullying and harassment often contribute to long-term health (both physical and mental) issues and impact performance within the workplace (O’Brien et al. 2016). Bullying, harassment, and threatening behaviour can take many forms in the scientific research environment, from someone openly shouting at and/or shaming staff and students publicly to more subtle microaggressions2 (Marshall et al. 2021; Moore 2024). As Bathobile narrated, she experienced relentless racism combined with sexism, which led her body to physically get sick from the stress of these daily experiences. As scholars (Dyer et al. 2019; Meriläinen et al. 2016) argue, black people encounter the worst forms of bullying, especially African women who are also harassed, even by other ‘black’ women, which highlights the misogyny that exists even within gendered allies (Mkhize 2022). This also reflects the intersectionality of bullying and harassment, as women face both within STEM spaces (Idahosa & Mkhize 2021). The African woman’s experience of bullying often carries racial overtones, and the harassment is frequently sexual in nature. White women are not only victims but are also perpetrators of bullying African women, which shows the racial hierarchy within the same gender. Bullying and harassment as well as abuse of power continue to be rife in these STEM spaces, which has caused many black researchers and women to leave (Woolston 2020). Glick and Fiske (2001) argue that gender microaggressions may be caused by well-meaning individuals, a concept they term benevolent sexism. This involves conveying attitudes that reflect gender stereotyping but are expressed in a considerate and helpful manner. This was not true for African women who not only experienced sexism from all men but also from other women as well, which highlights the intersectionality of their oppression.
Racialised and gendered violence
‘There is a mental block or subconscious message that is sent to Black women when all the professors are all white and male. There is a fear of competing with males, and not enough encouragement and motivation. There is a lack of trust in ourselves and what society tells us as Black women.’ (Philile)
‘We call physics and computer science the ‘white school’ because there are all white men and no African women. All the administrators are women, and all the professors are white men.’ (Thobe)
Thobe and Philile’s narratives focus on the socio-cultural and institutional factors that affect African women. Thobe mentions that the computer science discipline is known as the ‘white school’ because the majority of students and staff are white men. Thobe also highlights the gendered aspect of position and work. The women occupy lower-ranking administrative positions and are white, while the men hold higher-ranking roles as lecturers and professionals, and are also white. Literature consistently indicates that labor is divided based on gender, with male tasks being more valued than female ones (Bam, Walters & Jansen 2024; Fitong & Naong 2024; Schuh 2024; Woodhead et. al. 2022). This division of labour in computer science reflects broader gender patterns, with women holding lower-level administrative positions and men occupying higher-ranking academic roles. It is important to recognise that this department believes they are transforming (or transformed) by the inclusion of white women. White women have been oppressed because of their gender but privileged because of their race. This is why affirmative action policies continue to benefit white women (Borum & Walker 2011, 2012; Mugambwa et al. 2017) and not African women, and it shows the intersection of race and gender. Men in computer science hold powerful decision-making positions, while women hold positions relating to people and administrative duties. Computer science is an untransformed discipline, because there are no African women as staff or in positions of significant authority and power. Kanter (1993) states that ‘power is the ability to get things done’ and that power in an organisation is developed from structural conditions, not from personal characteristics or from socialisation effects. The employees who are empowered are allowed to have control over their work conditions. Power can be both formal and informal. Formal power is the power of an individual. It is found in jobs that are both visible and allow for discretion in decision-making. Informal power is derived from alliances that the individual makes within the organisation (superiors and peers) and with contacts outside the organisation. The presence of women does not indicate transformation, as the white women share the same race as the men, making it a predominantly white department. This highlights the deeply embedded patriarchal society, which continues within STEM environments. Professor Zenzile also emphasised how strange it is that African people remain underrepresented in science and academia in South Africa, a country where the African population is 80%, and the white minority is only 11%.
Discussion and recommendations
‘… because you educate a woman, you educate a nation.’ (Monica)
The above quote by Abi succinctly captures the benefits of educating African women. As this study has highlighted, when African women are educated in STEM, their skills and knowledge not only transform the untransformed STEM disciplines, but they benefit their communities as well. All the participants mentioned that they entered STEM disciplines because they were curious and interested in finding African solutions to African problems. Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics disciplines ideologically remain unchanged in their belief of white males being racial, gender and class superior to African women. The STEM fields, science specifically, have a history of using scientific knowledge to prove whiteness and maleness as superior to Africanness and womanhood. As these African women mentioned, they face the same challenges as all African women but in South Africa specifically there is an additional level of oppression they experience, and that is xenophobia. Xenophobia is complex and nuanced and although it has been reported as being something indigenous Africans perpetuate to non-indigenous Africans, all races are xenophobic towards non-indigenous Africans. The reasons vary but the genesis of this hatred towards Africans is a direct result of colonisation and apartheid legacies, which sowed a deep seeded hate within Africans, to hate themselves and to hate anything that reminded them of themselves and that is the non-indigenous Africans. The belief that xenophobia only exists in unenlightened spaces and is perpetuated by uneducated people is false. Enlightened environments, such as universities and elite academic spaces like STEM, also perpetuate xenophobic tendencies.
This study has accentuated that even when African women attain their doctorate degrees in STEM and become academics, they are not respected intellectually. They continue to face racism, sexism and harassment from students and staff. There were incidents where African women who were students in the STEM departments and graduated to being postdoctoral fellows or early-career staff members were still being policed or heavily scrutinised by their managers (who were their former supervisors), which shows that regardless of being trained and taught by those people, the fact that these women remain African and female, even after attaining doctorates in STEM, means they are never viewed as equals or peers within STEM environments. This shows what Mboti (2021) argues is true in that apartheid will continue to modify and be invisible and fight to survive regardless of democracy and the transformation agenda because STEM was predicated on proving the inferiority of Africans, biologically, socially, culturally and intellectually. That history will never be erased and if there are no consciously intentional strategic ways to combat this, the STEM disciplines will remain untransformed, and generations of African women will not contribute their creative and innovative ideas to STEM or inspire generations of African women because they will leave STEM, and consequently society will suffer their loss.
People tend to associate violence with physical violence, where people can see the physical markings of a violent attack. However, violence is verbal, emotional, psychological and even spiritual in some cases. As these narratives have shown, African women experience verbal abuse, harassment, emotional abuse and psychological terrorism in spaces that proclaim to be objective and neutral such as the STEM fields. These women experienced this violence when they were students, and it continues as they become early-career academics. The violence they experience is from all genders and race and not just men. The violence and emotional abuse, bullying and harassment African women are subjected to by other women are not adequately explored in literature. These disciplines were designed for white men and continue to be dominated by white men. When women enter these fields, they continue to face hostile and unwelcoming environments; however, white women’s experiences have reported to be of a sexist and patronising nature unlike African women’s experiences, which continue to report an interconnectedness of experiencing racism, discrimination and sexism all at once. These African women have no allies because some African men do not want to align with them because it would lessen their intellectual credibility. White women do not view African women as feminist allies in STEM because they have been reported to be even more racist and sexist than some white men. As reported earlier, Indian women wear their blackness as a costume; they can put on and take off, when it benefits them, also harass, bully and victimise African women, but want to claim blackness when they feel they have been victimised or want employment.
Conclusion
The inclusion of African women in STEM has been covertly violent. As the narratives of these African women highlighted, they continue to be victims of social (exclusion), psychological (gaslighting), emotional (bullying and harassment), and intellectual (their intellectual capacity continually questioned and needing constantly prove competency) violence in STEM disciplines. African women continue to have to fight to be successful in these still white male-dominated fields of STEM. These women must fight as students to be successful, and their struggle continues even after they graduate with their doctorate degrees and become academics. The South African government, HEIs and even international declarations and ratified policies all have one goal, and that is to transform STEM disciplines by the ‘sincere’ inclusion of African girls and women. Inclusion needs to be sincere and that means radically transforming the entire STEM fields. Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics fields proudly proclaim to be neutral and objective; however, as this study has exposed, these fields continue to be plagued by racist, sexist, classist and xenophobic issues. These issues do have a dire effect on the transformation agenda of the country, because if African women continue to leave academia for industry, generations of African students will not see themselves reflected in their professors. This sends an insidious message that STEM fields are not for African students. African women in STEM need to be supported, mentored and encouraged to remain in academia because they have many creative and innovative ideas, which are specifically needed for our African context. African women’s presence encourages generations of African students to continue to doctorate degrees in STEM and to enter academia where they can also foster and nurture future generations of African students.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to acknowledge National Research Foundation; Vice-chancellor Professor Mamokgethi Phakeng; UCT Research Office and Dr Charles Masango; Professor Relebohile Moletsane; Dr Zakithi Mkhize; Dr Ntombikayise Nkomo; Dr Sinenhlanhla Mtshali; Colisile Mathonsi; Izuchukwu Okoye-Ogbalunfor; Dr Siphamandla Nyambo; and Tandiwe Mdlungu for the assistance in this study.
Competing interests
The author declares that they have no financial or personal relationship that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Author’s contributions
Z.V.M. is the sole author of this research article.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, Z.V.M. upon reasonable request.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and are the product of professional research. It does not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency, or that of the publisher. The author is responsible for this article’s results, findings, and content.
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Footnotes
1. In South Africa, the term black is a classification used to refer to ethnic groups such as indigenous African, mixed race, and Indians. During apartheid, the racial black category of Indians and mixed race were ranked higher in the racial pyramid and therefore had more privileges in terms of access to better education and socio-economic opportunities. Whereas indigenous Africans remained at the bottom of the black racial category and were more heavily oppressed in all spheres of life (socially, educationally, and economically). Therefore, throughout this article, I will use the term African to represent indigenous Africans as a category within conceptions of blackness in South Africa. If I use the term black, I will be keeping the term of the author I am citing.
2. There are different types of microaggressions, namely, gendered microaggressions, racial microaggressions and a mixture of both. (Ong, Smith & Ko 2018; Sue 2010). Microaggressions are the daily, usually subtle acts and words that communicate slights and insults against people of different races or gender (Cabay et al. 2018; Ong et al. 2018:210). Perpetrators use microaggressions either consciously and intentionally or unconsciously and unintentionally, but nevertheless the consequences are the same, which is to humiliate, insult, and marginalise the target.
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